Sunday, 5 August 2012

TRENCH ART FOR SALE ON EBAY 12TH August 2012


ONE OF PAIR VERDUN 1918 WWI FRENCH CROWNED CHASED PUNCHED TRENCH ART BRASS SHELL CASINGS

CHECK OUT THE LISTINGS FOR BOTH OF THESE SHELL CASINGS AND MORE PHOTOGRAPHS AT:


http://www.ebay.co.uk/itm/330773204440?ssPageName=STRK:MESELX:IT&_trksid=p3984.m1555.l2649

http://www.ebay.co.uk/itm/330773211062?ssPageName=STRK:MESELX:IT&_trksid=p3984.m1555.l2649

STARTING PRICE: £29.99 EACH



ONE OF A PAIR





IN THIS AUCTION
WE HAVE ON OFFER
ONE OF
A FANTASTIC
IDENTICAL PAIR
VERDUN
1918
FRENCH
WWI
CROWNED
EMBOSSED
LATHE TURNED
WITH
DEDICATION OF
VERDUN 1918
DATED 1916

THESE POIGNANT TRENCH ART SHELL CASINGS WERE BOUGHT ON MY RECENT TRIP TO FRANCE FROM A DEALER IN PARIS

THE EMBOSSED DESIGN IS WORKED IN THE ROUND AND CONSISTS OF
A STYLISED STEM WITH LEAVES AND FLOWER
EACH HAVING THE DEDICATION:
VERDUN 1918
AS CAN BE SEEN IN THE PHOTOGRAPHS
THE RIMS ARE OF A CUT AWAY CROWNED DESIGN
THE THE WORK IS OF A VERY GOOD QUALITY
THESE HAVE BEEN POLISHED TO A HIGH DEGREE AS THEY WERE FIRST INTENDED
THE DESIGN REMAINS CRISP WITH NO SIGN OF WEAR
BOTH SHELL CASINGS ARE IN EXCELLENT CONDITION WITH NO CRACKS SPLITS AND ONLY POSSIBLY MINOR DINGS (HOWEVER I CAN'T SEE ANY)
THE BASE BARES THE LEGEND:
DEC (DENOTES IT AS FRENCH)
75 (I BELIEVE RELATES THE CALIBRE)
668 (I BELIEVE TO BE THE LOT NUMBER)
(WOULD DENOTE THE MANUFACTURER AS:
PYROTECHNIC MARITIME de LOURIENT)
16 (I BELIEVE TO BE THE DATE OF MANUFACTURE)


SOURCE: TRENCH ART AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY, JANE A. KIMBALL, PUB; SILVERPENNY PRESS DAVIS, CALIFORNIA

French counter-offensives in late 1916 and August 1917

( RIGHT: French marines in the trenches)
The French launched a major counter-offensive to recapture Douaumont in October of 1916 (the First Offensive Battle of Verdun (French1ère Bataille Offensive de Verdun)). Its architect was General Nivelle, an experienced commander in the use of artillery. The preparation, which lasted six days, consumed 530,000 75 mm artillery shells plus 100,000 155 mm shells, not counting the heavier calibers. The final assault on Fort Douaumont combined an infantry attack following behind a "creeping" forward artillery barrage timed to keep the enemy machine gunners down.
To soften up Douaumont before this assault, two French Saint-Chamond railway guns located 13 km (8.1 mi) to the southwest at Baleycourt had inflicted crushing blows onto the fort with 400 mm (16 in) shells, each weighing 1 short ton (0.91 t). At least 20 of those shells hit the fort, six of them penetrating down to the lowest levels before exploding. The Germans partly evacuated Douaumont which was then recaptured on the 24th of October by French marines and colonial infantry. On the 2nd of November, the Germans evacuated Fort Vaux which had also come under fire from the 400 mm railway guns.
A broader offensive, planned by General Nivelle and executed by General Mangin, began on the 15 of December and drove the Germans back close to their initial February starting lines. Within 36 hours the French had taken 11,387 prisoners, including 284 officers, and captured 115 artillery pieces. To some German senior officers who complained to Mangin about their lack of comfort in captivity he replied (translated from the French): "We do regret it, gentlemen, but then we did not expect so many of you". Unquestionably, German morale at Verdun had begun to deteriorate after the failure to seize Fort Souville and then later after the loss of Fort Douaumont.
(LEFT: French reserve troops crossing a river on their way to Verdun.)
On the 20th of August in 1917, a geographically limited French offensive (the Second Offensive Battle of Verdun (French2ème Bataille Offensive de Verdun)), was carried out on the left bank following an overwhelming heavy artillery preparation ( nearly 2000 guns firing at a 4 km long by 0.5 km wide target area). In only four days French assault troops had completely recaptured both "Mort-Homme Hill" and the "Côte 304". They also occupied deep and long underground tunnels ( the Bismarck, the Kronprinz and the Gallwitz tunnels ) that connected the German front lines to their rear underneath the "Mort-Homme" and "Cote 304" hills. Otherwise and later on, during 1918 and until the Armistice, the Verdun Sector remained an active battle zone where the two adversaries never ceased to confront each other in life-wasting local actions.
A certain discontent had begun to spread among the French combatants on the Verdun battlefield during the summer of 1916. The departure of General Pétain from his Verdun command on the 1st of June, 1916 and his replacement by General Nivelle had a negative impact on the soldiers' morale to a point that five infantry regiments were affected by short-lived episodes of collective indiscipline. Furthermore, only ten days after Nivelle had replaced Pétain, two French lieutenants, Henri Herduin and Pierre Millant were summarily executed by firing squad, on the 11th of June 1916, at Fleury-devant-Douaumont. The executions were illegal since they were carried out without a court martial or any other form of judgement.
Ten years later, in 1926, after an inquiry that became a "cause célèbre", the late Lieutenant Herduin and Lieutenant Millant were exonerated, and their official military records expunged. More generally, the horror of Verdun never left the battlefield until the Armistice of 11 November 1918 finally put an end to it. The last major combat in the Verdun sector took place during the Meuse-Argonne offensive, successfully carried out by the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) from 12 September to the Armistice.
SOURCE: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Verdun





POEM OF THE WEEK: KISMET BY R. B. MARRIOTT-WATSON

Sorry I have been a little remiss over the last few days in that I have not posted any new items, however it was not laziness, but a rush job I have listing things on eBay for a friend. However, I am back for now with my poem of the week which I hope will give you some food for thought... 

Kismet

Opal fires in the Western sky
(For that which is written must ever be),
And a bullet comes droning, whining by,
To the heart of a sentry close to me.

For some go early, and some go late
(A dying scream on the evening air)
And who is there that believes in Fate
As a soul goes out in the sunset flare?

R.B. Marriott-Watson

Richard Brereton Marriott-Watson (died 1918)

Commissioned in December 1914 as a 2nd Lieutenant in the 8th Battalion, East Lancashire Regiment and later attached to the 10th Battalion. Transferred to the 13th Battalion, Royal Irish Rifles in September 1915 and went to France in October. Attached to the 2nd Battalion from May 1916 and awarded Military Cross (MC) later that year. Promoted to Lieutenant in November 1917. Killed in action at Cugny on 24 March 1918 while serving with the 1st Battalion. War Poem first appeared in the Observer in 1918.

Wednesday, 1 August 2012

MARGARET LAMBERT, BANNED FROM THE 1936 BERLIN OLYMPICS FOR BEING JEWISH

Following are a few news stories that I have picked up in the papers over the last few days that I thought might be of interest to readers of the blog. They have all come from the 'I' or 'Independent' newspapers...


'I watched the Games and hated every minute'

Margaret Lambert is the last living athlete who was banned from competing at the Berlin 1936 Olympics for being Jewish

 
 




When Gretel Bergmann watched the 1936 Olympics in Berlin, she knew the Nazis were keeping a secret from the watching world.
The Jewish athlete was the best female high jumper Germany had produced, but on the eve of the Games, she had been expelled from the national team. Sports authorities told her she was not good enough, teammates learned she was “injured” and her name was scrubbed from the record books. And then, to add insult to invented injury, the Nazis gave her place in the team to a woman who turned out to be a man.
Bergmann's extraordinary story remained hidden for decades until one of the worst injustices in sport was exposed. Now 98, she goes by the name Margaret Bergmann Lambert and lives in New York City with her husband, Bruno, who is 101. “I wanted to show the world what a Jew could do, but I knew very well the Nazis would never let me compete,” she says by phone. “I watched the Games and hated every minute of it. Nobody knew I existed.”
The Olympic charter states that “no kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda” is permitted in the Olympics. But ideology frequently rattles the symbolic rings of a movement founded on principles of unity achieved through sport. Politics & Olympics: Ideals and Realities, an exhibition at the Free Word Centre in London, recalls some of the most important cases. They include Lambert, as well as better-known controversies such as the US-led boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics.
Lambert's route to the most political Games of all – the so-called Nazi Olympics – began in the early 30s. Born in 1914 in Laupheim, in southern Germany, she excelled in athletics as a teenager, breaking the national high-jump record in 1931 with a leap of 1.51m. “We used to have a wonderful time,” she says, her voice strong and quick. “Everything was beautiful then in Germany and we were honoured and respected.”


When Hitler came to power, in 1933, Jewish athletes were excluded from clubs and competitions across Germany. Still only 18 and her dreams of even completing her education dashed, Lambert travelled to England to study. She was allowed to compete at the 1934 British championships in London, and won the high jump, increasing her personal best to 1.55m.
Lambert had hoped to compete for Britain at the 1936 Olympics in Germany but as the Games approached, Nazi officials, observing her success, ordered her to return to Germany. Hitler had wanted his Olympics to be cleansed of black and Jewish competitors, but when other nations threatened to stay away, and the Amateur Athletic Union voted to boycott the Games, he relented. Thirteen Jewish athletes would go on to win medals in Berlin, while the defiance of the black American sprinter, Jesse Owen, who won four golds, became one of the defining images of the modern Olympics.

Jesse Owen

There would be fewer opportunities for the German Jewish athletes who were recalled to the team. “The Nazis wanted to show the Americans, the British – all the countries that did not want to come to the Games – that Jews were not discriminated against,” Lambert says. “It was all a big lie, of course, and I was the token jew.”
Reluctant to return but fearing for the safety of her family if she refused, Lambert arrived in Germany to find a country transformed.
“I wasn't allowed anywhere, not even into the stadium to train,” she recalls. “We couldn't go to restaurants or to the movies and I knew damn well they weren't going to let me compete in the Olympics. A Jewish high jumper wasn't going to work out for the Nazis. I was so mad about the whole thing.”
Effectively held hostage in her own country, Lambert was permitted to compete three times before the Games. Driven by fury and a will to show her captors what a Jewish woman could do, she raised the bar again, equalling the new German record with a jump of 1.60m.
The Nazis waited until just four weeks before the Berlin Games to quietly exclude their “token Jew”. “They didn't tell me anything, there was just a form letter saying I had not been chosen because I wasn't good enough,” she says. “That was that.”
Lambert followed the progress of her former teammates in the women's high jump. The event was won by a Hungarian athlete who could only match Lambert's personal best. “It was very hard to watch,” she says. “I was very stirred up and did a lot of cursing.” The highest-placed German was Dora Ratjen, who came fourth and would go on to provide a bizarre twist in Lambert's story. Before the Games, the women had been roommates. “I used to come home to my parents and say, I think Dora is a little weird,” Lambert recalls. “I never saw her undress because she used to sneak into a little bathroom we weren't supposed to use rather than showering with the team. Her face was a little bit hard, but I had no idea.”
Two years after Berlin, Ratjen was travelling on a train when the conductor suspected she was a man. He called the police, who called a physician. He inspected Ratjen and determined she was a man. Dora admitted she had been born a boy but raised as a girl after confusion about his genitals, which had been deformed at birth. He was arrested but found not guilty of fraud. Accusations that the Nazis had conspired to conceal her gender were never proved and, after her jumps were wiped from the record books, Dora lived out her years as a barman called Heinrich.
In 1937, Lambert, then 23, sailed alone to New York City with four dollars in her pocket, the standard amount the Nazis gave Jewish emigres. She worked as a cleaner and would be joined a year later by her husband, Bruno, a doctor who would start a new career painting houses. She continued to compete, winning the US women's high jump and shot put championships that year and the high jump again in 1938.
Then came the outbreak of the Second World War. “I called up my coach and said I'm not training any more,” Lambert says. “There were more important things to think about and my parents were still living in Germany.” They survived the war, but Bruno's parents were killed.


Lambert's experience resulted in a deep hatred of her own country which would continue long after the Nazis were defeated. She changed her name and refused to speak German or visit her home country, staying instead with her husband where she still lives in Queens. She became a US citizen in 1942.
It wasn't until 2009 that Lambert's national record was restored by the German athletics association. In 1995, she had refused to attend the opening of a sports centre in Berlin that was named after her.
In 1999, she was invited to return to Laupheim, her hometown, where her name was being given to the stadium from which she had been banned. This time, she agreed to go.
“I hated everything German but finally came to the conclusion that people now had nothing to do with it,” she says. “I decided it wasn't fair to hate them and so I changed my attitude a little bit, not about what happened to me and so many other Jews, but about Germany now.”

Read more on the Politics & Olympics Exhibition at:

 FreeWordOnline.com

Source:


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The amazing man who saved my family from the clutches of Idi Amin

ind



40 years ago, Nina Lakhani's family were among 70,000 Asians driven from Uganda. They ended up in Britain. So how did the upheaval change their lives?

 
 



It was 40 years ago that General Idi Amin, Uganda's military dictator, ordered all of his country's 70,000 Asians to leave, in what became one of the largest diaspora since the Second World War. On 4 August 1972, in the sleepy town of Tororo near the Kenyan border where my mum was born and raised, he announced the expulsion, giving only three months for people to pack their bags and leave their homeland.
Amin, who came to power in a military coup in 1971, claimed the "bloodsucking" Asians were sabotaging the economy and taking African jobs. He threatened those who refused to leave with concentration camps, and – chillingly – expressed sympathy for Adolf Hitler.
My parents, my brother Deven, aged three, and the extended family were among almost 30,000 Asians who ended up in Britain with £50 each and only the bags they could carry. Everything else – homes, businesses, cars and money – was left behind for employees or to be taken by Amin's men.
As they tried to get out, many people were robbed, some brutally. Few Asians lost their lives, but up to half a million Ugandan Africans were eventually killed during Amin's despotic rule.
My mum, Ansuya Lakhani, said: "We heard stories about bodies floating in the River Nile, dumped by the military in trucks. We were worried for our lives, but it was the Africans that Amin killed, people from different tribes. We left our homes, but we left with our lives."
The Asians were widely regarded in East Africa as the middlemen in a society where racial division – in school, work, housing and leisure – was instilled by the British and accepted unchallenged by most Asians.
"The British lived in Europe town, we lived in our areas and the Africans lived in their villages," my mum said. "That was the way it was. We spoke nicely to everyone, but we only spoke if there was a reason. It was only when we came here we realised that how we'd lived was so wrong."
Indian migration to East Africa was encouraged by the British colonialists, first to serve the needs of the Indian coolies building the great railway and later to help develop the economies.
My grandparents were among thousands who moved to Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania from Gujarat in the 1920s and 1930s, in an attempt to build a better life. My maternal grandmother boarded a steamship at the age of 13 to join her new husband; she did not return to India for 50 years.
Until his decree, Amin had been regarded by the British as a man they could work with. But the expulsion was in part him sticking up two fingers at the Heath government, who he regarded as interfering imperialists, wrongly stopping East African Asians coming to Britain through emergency immigration laws.


Cabinet minutes show how hard the British government tried not only to persuade Amin to re-consider, but to encourage other Commonwealth countries to "share the burden"; they even tried to find an island to dump them on, worried that the public would not tolerate such a huge influx of coloured refugees.
Canada saw the exodus as an opportunity, taking 10,000 of the most educated people before Britain was out of the starting blocks. But three-quarters of Ugandan Asians were British passport holders – citizens with rights, not refugees.
My uncle, Himat Lakhani, who had moved to London in 1962 to study, played a big part in helping the homeless through those traumatic first months, setting-up the Co-ordinating Committee for Evacuation of Ugandan Asians to pressure the government to fulfil its obligations.
But he also motivated an army of volunteers, thousands of ordinary Britons touched by the plight of the new immigrants, who offered to drive, cook, clothe, advise, teach, and even house people from a country many knew little about.
On the very first chartered flight, on 18 September, was Suresh Majithia, who was 29, single and living in the village of Iganga, where he ran a secondary school.
"At first Amin said qualified people like me could stay, but I didn't want to," he recalled. "We were frightened of the military by then and we heard stories about people disappearing."
He remembers going through five army check points on route to Entebbe airport – about 20 miles from the capital, Kampala – as the soldiers helped themselves to anything they wanted, using violence if necessary. "I could see piles of gold and ornaments. They were taking everything."
Once on the plane people were reassured that Britain was expecting them and ready to help, so they tried to forget the newspaper reports about racist protests from the National Front and Smithfield meat porters, and MPs like Enoch Powell. They were welcomed at Stansted airport by the Women's Royal Voluntary Service offering warm clothes, and by my uncle Himat, who tried to match new arrivals with volunteers.
Majithia said: "I was penniless, but I had a brother here, so at least I didn't have to go to a [refugee] camp. I took a week or so to rest and get used to London, but I knew I needed a job if it was going to be OK."


He started work as an accountant for a money-lending company in West London on 5 October. And this desire to work and get on was pretty universal. These were people unaccustomed to getting help, and nor did they want it: most just wanted to get over their old lives and get on with the new.
My dad was among 20,000 people who did spend time at one of 17 refugee or resettlement camps, set up in disused barracks in far-flung places such as Yeovil, Greenham Common and Tywyn. The camps were cold, cramped and isolated, but there was a war-like spirit, with church groups and volunteers on hand with warm clothes and welfare advice.
My dad, who in Uganda had worked in a bank, stayed for almost two months at a former RAF station in Stradishall, Suffolk, and was offered positions as a junior clerk by both Midland Bank and Standard Bank, with a starting salary of £1,400 a year.
But then along came Peter Black, a German-Jewish businessman with a successful shoe and slipper factory in Keighley, West Yorkshire, who had come to England in 1933 as the persecution of German Jews had started to escalate.
His eldest son, Thomas, now 72, said his father was motivated to help another immigrant family because "as a Jewish man he knew what it was like to be persecuted. England made it possible for people like my father to work hard and succeed. He was simply replaying what had happened to him and his family."
My dad took the very difficult and selfless decision to forsake his banking career and leave his extended family, and accept Mr Black's incredible offer not only of a job, but also a rent-free house for a year.
So off they went – my parents and my brother – to a place they had never heard of to start again with the help of a family they didn't know. It was the middle of winter, and Yorkshire was freezing. "The family had prepared the house for us, so there were plates and pans, and even coffee, tea, sugar and milk," said my father. "We were happy to be able to have a cup of tea when we got there.
He added: "We have never forgotten what Peter Black did for us."
Thomas Black said: “My father could see the headlines and made it happen, it was an enlightened thing to do at the time but we were rewarded with a super family who made a great contribution to what we were doing.”
Other members of my family did exactly what the government didn’t want them to, and moved to a ‘red zone’, in their case Leicester, where it was considered to be too full of immigrants already.
Wherever they went, most people were curious and largely sympathetic, if a little clumsy with names and use of the term 'Paki'; some, like the Black family, were incredibly kind and altruistic.
There were of course incidents of racism. My cousin Nikhil Lakhani, a very fair skinned six-year-old, remembers how the kids wouldn’t let him play kiss-chase in the park. “They said I was a ‘blackie’, yet until then I’d always been called ‘mzungu’ which means white in Swahili.”
The Ugandan Asians are considered one of Britain’s most successful immigration stories, among them Tory MP Shailesh Vara, the journalist Yasmin Alibhai-Brown and former deputy assistant Metropolitan Police commissioner Tarique Ghaffur.
Others went back after Amin was overthrown, and can be found re-settled in their old towns and cities, though most also have homes elsewhere, in case they ever have to leave again.
Some did much worse here, unable to settle or prosper, though the truth is no-one really knows what happened to them all.
My parents have been back to visit, nostalgic about old times, remorseful about past mistakes, but settled here now as fully fledged British Indians. They were never as financially comfortable, but they fed, schooled, and housed their three children, so they feel they succeeded too.

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Gad Beck: Writer and activist who survived as a gay Jewish man in Nazi Germany


Gad Beck: Writer and activist who survived as a gay Jewish man in Nazi Germany


 
 



Gad Beck's dangerous life as a half-Jewish gay man in the capital of Nazi Germany during the Second World War represents one of the 20th century's more unusual stories of human survival. With the passage of time, it has become known that not even Nazi ruthlessness and efficiency could eliminate all Jews and gays from Hitler's Germany. Some slipped through holes in the dragnet, and Beck became one of the last gay Jewish survivors of the Holocaust.
Beck was a leader among Jews who dodged the Nazis in Berlin, the heart of the Third Reich, and who took risks to help others trying to do the same. He published a first-hand account of his experiences, An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin, written with Frank Heibert. The autobiography (1999), embraced both the historic tragedy and the daily details of his precarious existence.
Beck's ability to remain alive at a time of constant danger involved forged papers, false identities and the good will of many people. His narrative struck reviewers as a monument to determination, endurance and nerve. In one episode, he dressed as a Nazi to dupe the authorities into releasing a lover.
As a member of two groups persecuted by the Nazis, Beck appeared to view his religion as a greater peril than his sexual orientation. "I was always a step away from the concentration camps," he once said, "not because I was gay but because I was Jewish."
Gerhard "Gad" Beck was born in Berlin in 1923, the son of a Jewish father and a mother who had not been born Jewish, which apparently gave him at least temporary protection from the Nazi regime. He said his parents were surprised but supportive when he first told them of his homosexuality.
"They said: 'Oh my God, he's Jewish and he's gay,' " Beck recalled. "'Either way, he'll be persecuted. This cannot end well.'"
While working with an outfit of underground Zionist operatives, Beck found a kindred spirit, Manfred Lewin, and the two became lovers. "People were starving for love," Beck said. "I gave Manfred love, and he took it. "There was no talk about 'gay this' or 'gay that', like you have today. It was about emotion and trust."
Lewin was picked up in 1942 and sent with his family to a detention centre. As Beck recalled, he obtained an ill-fitting Nazi uniform and marched into the centre to assert a concocted need for Lewin's release. The commander emphasised that Lewin's release had to be temporary, ordering Beck to "bring us back this Jew."
This would be no problem, Beck replied, asking: "What would I want with a Jew?" Beck and Lewin walked out. But then Lewin turned back, unwilling to abandon his family. He did not survive the war.
Beck was credited with smuggling rations, cash and clothes to fellow Jews who were living in hiding. He was also said to have helped some Jews flee to safety in Switzerland. Only three months before the Nazi surrender, he was betrayed, arrested and held by the Gestapo. Finally, he recalled, a Red Army soldier came to the place where he was confined and told him: "Brother, you are free."
After the war, he took part in efforts to bring Jewish refugees to Palestine and gave help in Israel's war for independence. In the 1970s he went back to Berlin and taught German students about the Jewish culture that had once flourished in their country.
"I mustered strength from the individual moments of happiness that I was always able to wring out of life," he once said, "no matter how dire the straits." Beck is survived by his partner of 35 years, Julius Laufer.

Gerhard Beck, educator, author and activist: born Berlin 30 June 1923; partner to Julius Laufer; died Berlin 24 June 2012.


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